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Friday, 2 June 2017

A REASON TO BELIEVE: TO BELIEVE IN THE PRESIDENCY

A REASON TO BELIEVE IN THE PRESIDENCY
The dawn of the 2010 promulgation has been like a millennium celebration in Kenya. It is in the true sense. Kenya feels accomplished. Citizens feel recognized. It is true. It is a time to celebrate the long awaited and hard earned inclusive and liberal constitution.

For decades, Kenya has yearned for a presidency with reduced powers. We have yearned for a presidency whose power to hire and fire public officers are minimal. This has been achieved by a provision that public officers are accorded protection and shall not be removed from the office without the due process of the law[1]. The presidency has deceased from this. However immediately after the first elections under the Constitution a majority of cases have sprung in the Kenyan Industrial Courts following removal of public officers without the due process of the Law[2]. These actually are from the County Governments which are newly created systems in Kenya and not from the Central government or the Presidency.

For the same, as long as the Kenyan Civil society has kept fighting for the new reforms, we have also wished to have a parliament without the control of the president. This is somewhat achieved. It is haven for Kenyans to have a president who is not a member of parliament. A president who cannot determine bills by being on one side of the motion is what we got. This is a nice thing. Nevertheless, we still have left a loophole for the leader of the majority party and leader of the minority. The natural Kenyan attraction to power and preferably the 50%+1 rule of presidential elect’s votes, however general it may be, presumes the president to be coming from the majority party. This means that the president still has control over the National assembly and his take may prevail especially on policy matters. This has not solved the political cartels in Kenya in any way.

Thus this explains our other intention. We have wanted a president who will not lead through executive delegated powers of corrupt leaders. We actually have wanted one who would fight corruption. A myriad of Constitutional Commissions with the word “independent” have been created. These; apart from the harmonious co-existence of state organs of advice, consultation and co-ordination are under direction of nobody except the law and the Constitution. With this it is trite that the Commissions do not fall under the executive hierarchy of powers, where the president can command and issue orders.  Separation of powers is best presented by this position where appointments and suspensions have to be approved by the parliament, which parliament the majority is the president’s 50%+1.  This cannot be avoided either way.

The sensational mayhem about the IEBC has been castigated by the foundation of these theoretical underpinnings. However the presidency may wish to push things, there is no direct maneuver due to the fettered powers and the insistence on the power of the ballot. The majority of his party in parliament may be believed to support him. Nevertheless it is not always the case since the Parliamentarians themselves are afraid of losing favour in the eyes of the voters. The oppositions have also found it hard to cast blame. With the checked system, the net of blame does not fall on specifics. It falls on a homogeneous chain of state organs where none can be claimed for total failure. It is for the feeling on these two sides of the political system in Kenya that at some point every side has been trying its wish on “the road not taken”. There is a simple solution, to amend the Constitution.

Happy for Kenyans, a Constitutional amendment requires a referendum. This referendum is within the mandate of the Kenyans and their power to exercise their ballot power. True enough, we are not in the 1980(s) when the Constitution was a document for lawyers or an archive document in the historical monuments. Kenyans can read it, can read the amendment bills and observe the mischief. True enough, we are not in the ages where political gerrymandering could conceal information. Kenyans can hear, read the media, contrast it with political statement and fill in for themselves even the undisclosed grafts.

The outcome of this has been grudging leaders. This is because they wish to control but they cannot. They make mistakes but they cannot hide. We have also non-effective opposition. They wish to expose but there is nothing to expose, they wish to blame but the net is too wide. With this, political leaders blame one another if they don’t cover each other. If covering becomes hard, they absorb the corruptible Kenyan to help them mask. This is where the problem is. The Kenyan is corruptible. The power is fettered. The opposition is ineffective.
In all this, it is the Kenyan to offer himself a reason to believe in the presidency. It is not anymore for the presidency to offer the Kenyan a reason to believe in it. An incorruptible Kenyan offers himself a reason to believe in the presidency. For a better Kenya, we need a reason to believe and that reason is to be incorruptible.
DISCLAIMER: This article has been written and published without intention to create any political inclination to any candidate, be it presidential, parliamentary or gubernatorial.
Written by: Dennis Maanzo



[1] Article 236 of the Constitution of Kenya 2010
[2] Industrial petition 297 of 2014 and Petition 11 of 2014, both being cases for unlawful removal of Speakers of county assemblies of Kisumu and Kiambu County respectively.